Wednesday, 9 April 2008

I am going to look at the representations of the media and the development of the ''Tweenager''.
Starting from Germaine Greer's comment that girls are "trained to be feminine" from a very early age by the magazine and body-product industries.I am going to test this idea out by looking at magazines targeting young girls aged (4-11).


Renate L Welch, Aletha Huston-Stein, John C Wright & Robert Plehal: 'Subtle Sex-Role Cues in Children's Commercials'
Journal of Communication, 29[3], pp. 202-209, Summer 1979
A Review
Merris Griffiths
This study focuses on the portrayal and implications of gender stereotyping in advertising, so is consequently of huge relevance to my own studies. Advertisements typically emphasise how women use cosmetic and household products, while girls play with dolls and domestic implements. Boys, in contrast, play with vehicles and thrive on competition and war games, while men are generally associated with cars and sport. Consequently, men tend to be more aggressive, dominant and independent [p.202]. The main purpose of the study is explained in the introduction as being primarily an examination of the more subtle messages that exist within the medium of television, generally implied by the use of a particular form. Welch et al. define form as referring to the production techniques that are employed to achieve particular effects, such as cuts, zooms and animation, together with auditory features such as music, sound effects and narration.
They argue that if there are differences in the level of pacing and camera techniques used in advertising, subtle messages about masculine and feminine stereotypes must be implied. It is concerning for both researcher and audience that these messages may be so subtly conveyed that they are not easily recognisable to the viewer, and may therefore be integrated into the personality of an individual as some instinctive agenda of behaviour. Indeed, such an approach may prove more influential than more obvious content messages that can be easily recognised and, if necessary, disputed. Welsh et al. have chosen to concentrate their efforts on three main areas:
to determine whether or not such differences in presentational form actually exist;
to explore the possible relationship between advertising and aggressive behaviour, in terms of content;
to investigate the gender of narration often implicit within the content of advertisements; messages about masculine and feminine behaviour [p. 203].
Initially, they quote what they describe as the 'groundbreaking work' of sociologist Erving Goffman, whose famous book entitled Gender Advertisements is, as the title suggests, about the portrayal of gender stereotypes in advertisements. Goffman demonstrated how messages about authority and dominance are implied through features such as the arrangement of characters, visual and body orientation, and other cues that are only indirectly related to the product being advertised. It is possible to argue that such messages are acknowledged, even subconsciously, by those who view the advertisements, and may subsequently be incorporated into an individual's perception of the world, him/herself and others?
Welch et al. wrote this article as a portion of a much larger project, comprising what they describe as the identification and study of formal features in children's television programmes [p.203]. Naturally, if a particular programme is broadcast on a commercial channel, then a study of the advertisements that run in the commercial breaks is equally importance to the content of the actual programmes. In terms of programme content, they list the following points as most significant:
the level of action or activity [characters and inanimate objects];
pace;
visual/camera techniques [cuts, pans];
auditory techniques [dialogue, music] [p.204].
They set out to compare the differences between advertisements for toys directed at boys, those directed at girls, and those directed at both sexes. They decided who the intended audience for the product was on the basis of the sex of the child characters selling the product in the advertisements. That is to say, those advertisements with a concentration of girl-characters were intended, from the moment of their creation, to appeal specifically to girls. They stress that this criterion was more objective and separate from content than an analysis in terms of the sex-typed nature of the toy. Having collected together a number of advertisements, they selected a total of sixty sampled from weekday morning and Saturday morning time periods throughout the Autumn of 1977- twenty advertisements aimed at boys, twenty aimed at girls, and a further twenty appealing to both sexes. They also stress that their level of intercoder-reliability is an acceptable 80% for all the categories [p.204].
Having selected this range of advertisements, Welch et al. studied their content in terms of five main categories. I found their methods of study particularly useful in that I am also including a content analysis of advertisements in my own study. With each individual category, I have also included a discussion of the results they obtained in each case:
Action
Welch et al. broadly divide the concept of 'action' into two sub-categories - action by characters or animate action, and action by objects [particularly toys] or inanimate action. Their analysis is what can only be described as painstaking in that the degree of action was determined by coding and collecting three five-second time samples from each advertisement, at regular intervals of its duration. Once this task had been accomplished, the levels of activity were coded into four workable, if rather broad categories, as follows:
stationary with little or no movement
stationary, but with moving parts
moving through space slowly
moving through space rapidly
Had it been practical for the study, I feel that these categories should have been expanded upon slightly, to include options that more clearly define what is meant by unspecified terms such 'slowly' and 'rapidly', since one could argue that these are only relative terms and perceived differently by individuals. For the purpose of this analysis, however, these categories achieve what is intended. Overall, the results emphasise the already well-known fact that advertisements directed at boys contain a higher level of activity, particularly activity by toys that would otherwise be inanimate. For example: in an advertisement for Meccano construction sets, attention is generally focused on items constructed using the sets [usually cars] travelling at high speed. Interestingly, they found that there was little difference between their selection of advertisements in terms of the degree to which the characters moved, so disproving the conception that boys are generally shown participating in more action-packed activities than girls. Rather it is the products aimed at boys and not the boys themselves that are action-packed.
Pace
As far as an analysis of pace is concerned, Welch et al. discuss the idea in terms of two similarly broad categories, as follows:
variability of scenes i.e. cutting to new scenes not previously shown
total pace, consisting of the variability of scenes, as described above, as well as cutting back to familiar scenes and any change in the constellation of characters within or between scenes [p.205]
Pace was coded by counting the frequency of occurrence of the two categories above, within each advertisement. Overall, it was found that advertisements for boys contained more variability in the form of changes from one new scene to another; cuts that maintain interest and hold viewer attention. This does not seem surprising when one considers the features typically regarded as the format of advertisements for boys, often paced with tremendous variability, including a high-speed cutting rate, making it difficult to focus on the product being advertised! Once again, however, they also produced a rather intriguing result in terms of total pace, referring to the variety of scenes and characters used in any single advertisement. They found that there was actually no difference in total pace between advertisements aimed at girls and those for boys. It is arguable, therefore, that while the rate and pace of variability may be equal, the actual use of such elements in advertisements aimed at girls is less obvious than in those aimed at boys.
Visual Effects
With regards visual effects, Welch et al. refer specifically to camera techniques such as cuts, pans and trucks, zooms, fades and dissolves, and other visual effects. The frequency and duration of these effects were studied frame-by-frame for each advertisement. This is a procedure that I intend to include in my own content analysis of advertisements. The results obtained on this occasion were as expected in that advertisements for boys contained a higher cutting rate, while advertisements for girls contained more fades and dissolves. The former technique connotes action and speed, while the latter connotes greater tranquillity. This technique was echoed by the position of the camera view-finder at any one time. Advertisements for boys comprised abrupt, instantaneous shifts in view, while those for girls were slow and smooth. It also emerged that those advertisements classed as 'neutral', in terms of appeal to both boys and girls, ranked highest for special visual effects. Since this result is said to be neither expected or readily interpreted, Welch et al. make no further comment on it, and I also find it difficult to suggest any feasible reason for this finding.
Auditory Features
Auditory features, in this case, is the term used to describe anything that is heard within the duration of an advertisement. Welch et al. list the main auditory features under three sub-category headings as follows:
dialogue by characters [coded separately for male/ female, and adult/child]
narration, including talking and singing [coded separately, as above]
non-verbal features [such as non-speech vocalisation, sound effects, and foreground/background music]
The study of dialogue in advertisements produced many interesting results, and all may be regarded as supporting the stereotypical notions of gender. Initially, Welch et al. stress that differences in dialogue were an implicit part of their selection process, since all the sample-advertisements were selected on the basis of sex. A male spoken narrative was found to occur most frequently in neutral advertisement and those directed specifically at boys. A female narrative [both spoken and sung] occurred primarily in advertisements directed at girls. In addition, female characters were found to do little talking in neutral advertisements where boys were also present. The sex of any adult narrator [predominantly voice-over as opposed to visible speaker] was directly proportional to the sex of the children in the advertisements. That is to say, if the advertisement is intended to be for girls, then the narrator is likely to also be female; the same applies to advertisements directed at boys. The narrators in so-called neutral advertisements directed at both boys and girls were, however, found to be predominantly male, so this seems to suggest that men are allowed to reassert their dominance and authority over women, by being given greater opportunity to voice their views.
The degree of vocalisation, sound effects and any music [be that background or foreground] was collectively labelled 'noise' in this study. Welch et al. give predictable conclusions in this case, in that advertisements directed at boys were found to contain more 'noise', such as loud music and sound effects, than those advertisements aimed at girls. The latter were found to contain a greater level of soft music that is generally used as background to dialogue or narration. The underlying message here would seem to support the classic gender stereotypes of boys being loud, active and vigorous, and girls as subdued, quiet and meek.
Aggression
Welch et al. include a discussion of violence because they feel that it can be easily correlated with all the other features analysed so far. They were able to identify four different types of violence, as follows:
physical [such as hitting or threatening]
verbal [such as insults, derogation and angry comment]
object [such as hitting or attacking an object]
fortuitous destruction [injury to or destruction of an object, not directly 'caused' by the character, such as the use of explosions] [p.205]
It was discovered that instances of violence were almost exclusively limited to those advertisements directed at boys, with particular emphasis on object and physical violence. This discovery may be judged in the wider context of instances of male violence being far more likely than instances of female violence, and that men are far more likely to commit violent crime than women. It could be argued that the displays of violence seen in both advertisements and television programmes may be somehow incorporated into the male psyche from an early age, to link with those instances of male-orientated violent crime in adulthood. It is certainly possible that viewing violence can elicit aggressive behaviour. This is indeed a controversial issue and a cause for concern.
Welch et al. conclude their study with general discussion and a summary of their findings. They stress that the formal features seen in advertisements convey and reinforce some of the messages in the content, but at a subtle, pervasive and arguably 'dangerous' level. For example: those features unique to female advertisements, such as fades and background music, convey images that reinforce all those features assigned to the female stereotype- softness, gentleness, predictability, and inactivity. It is typically the case that males are portrayed as dominant, except in the domain that is reserved solely for females; the realm of dolls and domesticity. It is emphasised that the stereotypes are maladaptive in both cases [p.208]. Finally it is argued that the messages are likely to be passively and unconsciously accepted by the viewer simply because they are so subtle. This study is relevant to my own work in that it seems to lay bare the very foundations at the heart of how children begin to perceive their own and others position in a society continually stratified in terms of gender issues.

Tuesday, 8 April 2008

Updated idea




Starting from Germaine Greer's comment that girls are "trained to be feminine" from a ver early age by the magazine and body-product industries, we have decided that you should test this idea out by looking at magazines targeting young girls (4-11). Collect some samples and begin reading more about the construction of femininity.














Friday, 14 March 2008

Referencing your research

Hi Kerry,

Great to see you've made a start even before we've properly begun to work on the exam. In this project all material you use has to be properly referenced. So for example, the review (i preusme) of David Buckingham's book in your post below needs to have a source and an author. You have to put all this detail onto a form you submit in the exam. I'll show you a copy in the next lesson.

Sean

Death of childhood blame games say the uk

An open letter in the UK's Daily Telegraph newspaper condemns "junk culture" -- junk food, junk entertainment and a fast-moving culture -- for its effect on children, with sombre phrases like "ruining our children" and "the death of childhood" weighing down its paragraphs. From the letter:[Children] still need what developing human beings have always needed, including real food (as opposed to processed "junk"), real play (as opposed to sedentary, screen-based entertainment), first-hand experience of the world they live in and regular interaction with the real-life significant adults in their lives.A scathing commentary on the evils of modern life -- and what's more, plenty of readers agree that the hands-off parenting enabled by video games is a big problem for today's youth. Perhaps the high profile given to this complaint (a national broadsheet) will open up some serious debate on the matter, rather than give a platform for rabid anti-gaming propaganda to spread to the UK as well.

Research media consumption

Striking a Balance: the control of children's media consumption The BBC, the Broadcasting Standards Commission (BSC) and the Independent Television Commission (ITC) have today published the results of research undertaken between November and December 2001 that looked at the mechanismsparents use to control their children's media consumption. The study included interviews with 36 parents, carers and children from London, Solihull, Newcastle, Cardiff and Glasgow from homes with and without access to multi-channel television and the Internet. In addition, over 500 parents of children aged 5-16 took part in a survey. The survey revealed that with the continuing rapid changes in home entertainment many parents are facing new challenges in exercising control over what their children see, seeking to strike a balance between an open, trusting relationship with their children, while also wishing to protectthem from harm. They are concerned over issues of sex, violence and bad language, but acknowledge that context and treatment have a bearing on these issues.
In striving to strike a balance parents use various informal controls to regulate their viewing. This involves keeping an eye on their children's media consumption and the programmes and channels they watch, limiting the time children are allowed to watch television, random checks and discussions about programme content with children.The research reveals parents feel these methods ensure that TV content is generally "safe".
The Watershed remains a highly valued mechanism in regulating children's television viewing, although there is concern about the pre-Watershed content of some genres, particularly some of the themes contained in the storylines of soaps and police/crime dramas.The study showed that television is considered to be effectively regulated by external bodies and the prospect of stronger regulation is unwelcome. Parents said they would like to have better information about programme content to help them regulate their children's viewing. Their main sources of information are the television listings magazines or pre-broadcast on-air announcements before the commencement of programmes.
Electronic programme guides and film/video classifications were the best received of all tools available. Parents indicated that they would like to see more consistent and more widely disseminated information about age suitability of programmes in television listings. This they felt would give them the flexibility to decide their children's viewing based on the maturity of their child and their own value system. The Internet as a medium raises more concerns and uncertainties than television for parents. Parents are worried because of the vastness of the Internet. Media publicity had made them cautious about sites featuring pornography and paedophilia, and about chat rooms. Even when they were confident in their children's ability to regulate their own use of the Internet, they still worried about accidental exposure. Despite their concerns and the availability of control mechanisms, in practice parents did very little to control their children's Internet usage.
Most control, as with television, was informal - such as placing the computer where it was visible or only allowing the parent to switch on the computer.Parents felt this was the most effective way of balancing their anxieties with the educational potential of the Internet. Most parents felt that the current technical tools available for controlling their children's use of the Internet were too complex to install and lacked simple age categorisation. They wanted simple labelling and easy to use filtering systems. The research shows that many parents can and want to play an active role in working with their children to develop their media literacy skills and help them avoid inappropriate content.
It indicates that finding new ways of ensuring parents and other users can make informed choices about what access will be a challenge for broadcasters, content providers and regulators alike.

Research for children and consumpion

'Tweenagers' risk losing childhood
Children can learn adult attitudes from television
The pressure on young people to grow up too quickly is taking away their chance to enjoy childhood, says a head teacher.
George Marsh, head teacher of Dulwich College Preparatory School in south London, says that so-called "tweenagers" - young people aged about 9 to 13 - were missing out on the innocence of the last years of their childhood.
I'm not suggesting putting the clock back to Victorian times, but children need time to play, to dream and to hope - time to have a childhood
George Marsh, chairman Incorporated Association of Preparatory Schools
Speaking to the Incorporated Association of Preparatory Schools' annual conference, Mr Marsh said that children were exposed to more media influences than ever before that pushed them into adopting the attitudes of older teenagers.
"I'm not suggesting putting the clock back to Victorian times, but children need time to play, to dream and to hope - time to have a childhood," said Mr Marsh.
"But they're facing so many consumer-led images of fashion and ideas, on television and in magazines, that push them towards conforming and growing up in a way that means they miss out on being children."
Mr Marsh, who is chairman of the independent primary school association, also argued that schools were in danger of "over-testing" pupils and putting at risk the creativity of young people.
And he urged schools to encourage the kind of imaginative and emotional development that could not be taken as another exam

David Buckingham

What will be the fate of childhood in the twenty-first century? Will children increasingly be living 'media childhoods', dominated by the electronic screen? Will their growing access to adult media help to abolish the distinctions between childhood and adulthood? Or will the advent of new media technologies widen the gaps between the generations still further?
In this book, David Buckingham provides a lucid and accessible overview of recent changes both in childhood and in the media environment. He refutes simplistic moral panics about the negative influence of the media, and the exaggerated optimism about the 'electronic generation'. In the process, he points to the challenges that are posed by the proliferation of new technologies, the privatization of the media and of public space, and the polarization between media-rich and media-poor. He argues that children can no longer be excluded or protected from the adult world of violence, commercialism and politics; and that new strategies and policies are needed in order to protect their rights as citizens and as consumers.
Based on extensive research, After the Death of Childhood takes a fresh look at well-established concerns about the effects of the media on children. It offers a challenging and refreshing approach to the perennial concerns of researchers, parents, educators, media producers and policy-makers.

Thursday, 13 March 2008

Your first ideas

Children and the Media
Do parents encourange their children to grow up too fast in relation to consumption of products?

The focus of your hypothsis, above, is not media, so we need to change it a little. How about looking at representations of childhood in the media, and the development of the "tweenager" first, then exploring parents' - anc children's - attitudes to it. You could focus on girls mags aimed at 8-12 year olds.

I like your insistence that it's happening for economic reasons and that this group has become a target market. I think it could be an excellent project.

You may find some relevant stuff in David Buckingham's After the Death of Childhood - the first chapter looks at how childhood has been constructed and represented. Also see what you can find here: http://www.aber.ac.uk/media/sections/advertising.html.

Primary reseach could be interviews with chidlren and parents about the images/representations you are exploring.

Sean